The political naiveté of the Serbian people and the manipulative professionalism of its adversaries are on full display in the weekly mass protests “against violence” in Belgrade.
The protests are now entering a phase of heightened tension and increasing demands served upon the fully dismayed authorities. That means that the warm-up phase is nearly over and that gradual transition is being made to the decisive stage of the operation. At that stage, the point will come when a crisis situation will be provoked. Depending on how the crisis will come to be resolved, a new personnel configuration of Serbia’s next colonial regime will emerge. It is superfluous to point out two things: (1) there will be no substantive change in the direction of the policies which the soon-to-be-installed regime will pursue, and (2) no improvements of any sort in the condition of the politically inert Serbian people are envisioned.
If after several weeks’ observation there is still any dilemma whether these protests are spontaneous or controlled, the following three examples should suffice to show their contrived and controlled nature.
 Avoidance of any mention of Kosovo Serbs, whose intensified persecution in violent pogroms inflicted by Albanians and NATO occupation forces has coincided with the weekly demonstrations in Belgrade. That is the best litmus test of the decency and sincerity of the protest organizers and participants. The violence practiced against the Serb community in Kosovo is an outstanding example of what the indignant citizens of Belgrade are supposedly demonstrating against, but it is passed over in silence. Nor has any reference been made to the betrayal of Kosovo by the current, past, and future regimes which are, will be, and all invariably have been in the service of the geopolitical interests of the shadowy directors of these mass “protest” assemblies. Clearly, whoever pays the musicians decides what music will be and, just as importantly, may not be played. As a result, the massive “anti-violence protests” in Serbia are bypassing completely the most salient specific example of violence against their compatriots in Kosovo and the betrayal of sovereign Serbian territory, while focusing vigorously on “violence” as an abstract notion. Nobody seems to have noticed anything odd about it.
So, while in the capital zombified masses are marching weekly against theoretical violence and turning a blind eye on its most notorious palpable example, in the background the string-pullers decide the issues that will be publicly raised or ignored. That furnishes a clear answer to the question of whose interests these weekly mass events are being staged to serve. It is immaterial that the vast majority of the marchers do not have a clue of the real agenda that they are unwittingly promoting. In contrast to the primitive provincial nincompoops ferried by the regime on 26 May to its rally in Belgrade for a sandwich and some change, the capital elite has all the needed tools to properly inform itself. Therefore, invincible ignorance is not an excuse that they can put forward.
 Another dead giveaway of the manipulated nature of the protests is their failure to demand a thorough forensic investigation of the background of the grisly mass murders that presumably triggered the mass outrage which resulted in the weekly “protests against violence.” Nor has the demand been made to the authorities, which over a month later are doing little or nothing in that regard, to file criminal charges against the killers and their enablers, as provided by law. Such illogical and blatantly unnatural conduct (assuming the underlying motives were initially genuine) also gives away the real character of these protests.
Incredibly, as in a trance, masses of people are marching weekly through the streets of Belgrade, but without making any reference to obvious issues or demanding that these issues be put in the centre of public attention and debate. For reasons that Serbian clinical psychologist Dr. Mila Alečković has indicated probably correctly, the official “investigation” conducted by the corrupt and thoroughly infiltrated authorities has been a sham. It has effectively swept under the rug all serious discussion concerning the causes of the mass murders which took place in the first week of May, once they had served their purpose by traumatising the Serbian nation. Under obviously competent covert guidance by professional PsyOp managers, the mass murders have now evolved into a color revolution regime change scheme. The murders are scarcely a topic of discussion any longer, having been swept away by other agendas. The psychological impact the mass killings were in all probability designed to make has been achieved, and at the present stage it is yielding abundant political dividends.
 The third very telling indications of the controlled nature of the protests is that they ignore the political violence the regime itself is inflicting on the incarcerated newspaper editor Milovan Brkić. No demand has been heard from the marchers for his immediate release and for dropping the trumped-up charges against him, followed by punishment for his lawless persecutors. It is immaterial what opinion one has of Brkić or the rag he edits. Brkić certainly is not Serbia’s Seymour Hersh. But he is a citizen (to the extent such status exists in a Balkan tyranny) and he is entitled to corresponding rights. His right to free expression is protected even by the legal norms of the sham “constitutional order” he has been indicted for undermining. But while Brkić languishes in a prison not very far from the route of the weekly “anti-violence protests,” no inclination has been detected on the part of either the organisers or the marchers to highlight his case as a salient illustration of the country’s doleful condition that presumably they are protesting about.
To sum up. Violence against the Serb community in Kosovo, getting to the bottom of the increasingly suspicious and for Serbia completely unprecedented mass murders, and denunciation of systemic political repression practiced by the regime which undoubtedly is to be continued under its successors, these are issues that are pointedly being excluded from the controlled repertoire of the Serbian mass protests. Each of these topics separately, but even more so if were they to be held up in combination as part of a coherent public agenda, could potentially be a wake-up trigger for the comatose masses. Such a development might ruin a staged protest and transform it into a genuine rebellion.
That is impermissible.
Thus, inexorably, the color revolution performance in Serbia is moving – to use theatrical terminology – toward its crescendo. The gang of traitors meant to be replaced are flailing helplessly, wandering aimlessly in search of manoeuvring space, and inventing desperately new tactics of self-abasement to win back the benevolence of their increasingly indifferent masters. Meanwhile, the gang of traitors designated to replace them goes triumphantly to render fealty to the masters, signalling to the uncommitted the status to which it has been raised.
If one picture speaks more than a thousand words, here it is:
Serbian “Opposition” leaders Nebojša Zelenović, Pavle Grbović, and Borko Stefanović being received in audience by Christopher Hill, US Ambassador to Serbia (Source: Official website of the Freedom and Justice Party, a principal sponsor of the mass “anti-violence“ protests
Preparations for the inevitable are on course and proceeding on three parallel tracks. Psychological preparations are in progress full steam ahead. At the last protest, the eye of the experienced observer could not fail to notice that carefully selected speakers, adhering with precision to the prescriptions of Gene Sharp’s color revolution manual, were raising the demagogic level to new thresholds, while announcing a more radical atmosphere the next time around. From the same playbook, the impression of unstoppable momentum is being engineered by high-sounding proclamations adorned with the signatures of thousands of academics, while prominent sleepers within the penetrated structures of the technically still ruling regime are stampeding for the exits, producing the impression of a sinking ship.
Political preparations are not far behind. As if „public opinion“ could ever genuinely influence the outcome of staged elections in Serbia, polling organisations under the control of foreign interests, which until recently were helpfully misrepresenting the results of their surveys in the regime’s favor, now are magically publishing statistics which point in the opposite direction, indicating a sudden drastic decline in the regime’s popularity.
The cornered usurper is helplessly meandering, grimacing in front of television cameras, and desperately looking for a salvific formula. Without the gift of creativity and fully in keeping with his pedestrian nature, he has come up with a brilliant thought. To pacify the impoverished masses, he plans to distribute the paltry per person sum of 10,000 dinars that he had previously expropriated from the lucky recipients in the form of diverse confiscatory levies in which his predatory regime specialises. The most helpful advice in relation to that formula that could be given to him is to view in his private movie theatre the last speech of Nikolae Ceausescu, at 00 to 1:14 minutes, wherein he will plainly see what good that very trick, unveiled at a similar career stage, had done for his Rumanian colleague.
Finally, operational preparations are also in full swing. There is one that is particularly foreboding and for that reason must be highlighted. That is the highly significant activation of the professional seditionists from the Otpor/Canvas team, whose pedigree is undoubtedly well known to the beleaguered Serbian usurper. Only a few days ago, the visibly aged professional revolutionary Ivan Marović, close associate of the notorious Srdja Popović in organising the Yugoslav coup in October 2000, popped up again on the political scene in Serbia. For the moment, Srdja Popović wisely remains on the side-lines. Popović’s open involvement at present, besides giving the game away, would constitute a needlessly harsh delivery of the same message that in a less aggressive but equally clear form Marović is perfectly capable of communicating.
Marshall McLuhan put it well when he noted that in certain situations the medium which is used to communicate a message is identical to the message itself.